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Publish
or Perish: Bilingual By The Book
How
have textbook publishers responded to the changing political climates
and raging debates over bilingual education?
Pretty much as you would expect. As capitalist organs, they don't
really have political axes to grind or ideologies to promulgate.
Basically, they follow the money.
And
where does that money come from? Surprise! It comes from you and
me in the form of federal, state, or local funding of public school
bilingual education programs. The overwhelming majority of these
programs are at the K-5 level, as are most of the published materials
for bilingual education. Everyone is concerned about the youngest
kids, and rightly so since the easiest and best way to promote
bilingual success for kids is to teach them as early as possible.
Bilingual
enrollments drop dramatically at middle school and high school
levels. Bilingual college programs are almost nonexistent (though
there are a few, such as Holyoke Community College in Massachusetts
Hostos Community College, in New York, and the University of Mexico
branch in San Antonio.)
The
two most significant events that shaped the course of publishing
in bilingual education were the passage of Title VII in the late
60's (which authorized federal spending for bilingual education),
and the Supreme Court Decision, Lau v. Nichols, in the early 70's.
This ruling mandated bilingual instruction and materials for any
group of 20 or more children enrolled in a school district (regardless
of grade) to be paid for by state and local funding.
What
was the reaction of U.S. textbook publishers when these twin opportunities
of funding and profit potential appeared? Well, not much at firstprobably
because the potential wasnt felt to be great enough. As
a result, after Title VII was passed, schools used federal moneys
to buy imported texts. Unfort-unately, some of these were inappropriate
because they reflected the curricular needs of countries other
than the U.S. Also, the language levels tended to be too sophisticated
for American students.
Three of the bigger Spanish language publishers who began selling
into the U.S. market in the late 60's and early 70's were Santillana
and Anaya las Americas from Spain and Voluntad from Colombia.
One small U.S. company Laidlaw published in Puerto
Rico before tackling the burgeoning bilingual market in the States.
Two other outfits also began publishing: Economy, based in Oklahoma,
and Crane who got its start from a grant made by the state of
New Jersey to create bilingual materials in Spanish. The company
never became huge, but was adopted in Miami. Even-tually, Economy
and Laidlaw were both acquired by McGrawHill, and Doubleday, respectively.
Santillana
set up operation in the U.S. to publish Spanish bilingual materials
specifically for the elementary school market. Voluntad and Anaya
did not follow suit, but continued selling imported books. From
the mid 70's to the mid 80's, the U.S. division of Santillana
ruled the bilingual market place.
But
change was in the air: Mexican and other Spanish speaking immigration
had reached record levels in Texas and California. Something needed
to be done about educating the children of legal and illegal immigrants.
Both states decided to compel publishers vying for the English
reading adoptions that they had to also submit a Spanish bilingual
reading program for adoption. If publishers did not comply, they
would not even be considered. Although the Spanish bilingual population
was growing, it was still only about 1/10th of the English speaking
population. This meant that the publishers theoretically had to
spend as much money on a reading series for Spanish as they would
for English and make only 1/10th as much money. By the way, it
costs nearly $20 million to develop a full color, hard cover basal
series with all the bells and whistles. As you can imagine, the
publishers were not happy campers.
Manolo
Rodriguez, who has worked for three of the major players in the
US bilingual publishing world and is currently editorial director
of Scholastics Bilingual Publishing Program, recalls those
days. "In 1985 I started working as a freelance editor at
Scott, Foresman in one of their first attempts to develop a basal
Spanish reading program. I did not realize it at the time, but
that was the beginning for all Spanish educational programs designed
to compete in states like Texas and California, where equity with
English programs would be an issue. Prior to that, companies were
only offering supplemental programs or Spanish materials that
did not offer the scope of basal programs."
The
Spanish reading programs submitted in the 1986 Texas adoption
came up short when compared to the English reading programs. Sure,
publishers had produced materials that could be adopted, but it
was apparent that they were lacking equity (in fact they were
mostly direct translations of their English counterparts and pedagogically
not appropriate since leaning to read in Spanish is hardly identical
to learning to read in English. Also the materials were shorter,
produced on poorer quality paper and lacked ancillariessuch as
readers, workbooks, video, and software.)
By
now, the development and production of Spanish programs was beginning
to become a headache for publishers. The equity issue was making
it even harder to foresee an improvement in the profit forecast,
and the production and development problems were being compounded,
since there were more products to be created. Spanish programs
were being perceived within the publishing companies as "the
fly in the ointment," but they had to be produced because
they were the "ticket" to enter the adoption races in
some states.
In
the 1993 Texas reading adoption, publishers improved the equity
between Spanish reading programs and English reading programs.
They started calling their Spanish programs "parallel editions."
The quality of these materials improved and, at about the same
time, supplemental Spanish materials published by companies including
Hampton Brown, Scholastic, and Modern Curriculum Press were being
gobbled up by both adoption and non-adoption states. As the population
of limited English proficient students kept on growing, publishers
began to realize that Spanish language programs could be profitable.
And
then came the Negative Nineties: English Only, Prop 227, and uniform
tests for English and non-English speakers. Okay, so bilingual
education wasnt perfect and the whole-language approach
did produce some pretty low reading scores. There was corruption
and incompetence in some, though certainly not all, of these programs.
Many were actually successful. But there was a huge backlash,
fueled, in large part by racism. As always, there were plenty
of politicians ready to jump on the bandwagon.
Genaro Bastos, president of Bastos Book Company and former professor
of language education at William Paterson University and New Jersey
City University, lays the blame for the bilingual backlash at
the feet of politicians, judges and mainstream school administrators
who basically set these programs up for failure. It was the everybodys
an expert in education syndrome. The courts and school administrations
did not rely on existing expert advice, opinion and research.
Many programs were designed more for economic and political expediency,
that is, to keep the voters quiet and happy. In fact, many bilingual
programs became the dumping ground for children that monolingual
teachers couldnt handle, much in the same way as some states
have used special ed. as a similar dumping ground.
Bastos
feels that bilingual administrators were never given power by
monolingual (English) administrators to implement "true"
bilingual education programs. Most bilingual programs were primarily
devoted to teaching language rather than the full curriculum.
Also, in many cases, instructors with no concept of or training
in bilingual education were hired, only because they happened
to speak Spanish. In some cases, they didnt even speak English.
Bastos claims that this may even have been done deliberately in
some cases to ensure that the programs would have minimum success
or be outright failures. Bilingual programs use nationally recognized
tests to both place students in bilingual programs and to eventually
mainstream them. The LAB Test Language Assessment battery) and
the LAS (Language Assessment system) are the two most widely used.
Amazingly, most school districts will mainstream students when
they have reached the 40th percentile in language proficiency!
If there was ever a formula for failure, this is it.
As
we enter the new millennium, U.S. textbook publishers have finally
got it almost right, in part because they have responded to the
national crisis in education and are creating materials that meet
the new state standards in Spanish. Prop 227 may still be the
law in California, and many states are restricting the number
of years a student may be in bilingual or ESL programs ESL, but
Texas and Florida are still in favor of bilingual education. People
like Manolo Rodriguez and Genaro Bastos are confident that bilingual
education is here to stay. As Bastos says, "The U.S. is already
a bilingual nation and those without bilingual skills tomorrow
will be like those without computer skills today. Any publisher
and school system that does not recognize this will be left behind."
Textbook publishers will respond as the demand for bilingual education
materials increases. And it will.
Andy Martin is the Publishing News Editor, American Language Review.
Thanks to Manolo Rodriguez and Genaro Bastos for providing much
of the factual background to this article.
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